Washinton Post
By
Charles Krauthammer
Friday,
February 14, 2003; Page A31
The domestic terror alert jumps to 9/11 levels. Heathrow Airport is
ringed by tanks. Duct tape and plastic sheeting disappear from Washington
store shelves. Osama bin Laden resurfaces. North Korea reopens its
plutonium processing plant and threatens preemptive attack. The Second
Gulf War is about to begin.
This
is not the Apocalypse. But it is excellent preparation for it.
You
don't get to a place like this overnight. It takes at least, oh,
a decade. We are now paying the wages of the 1990s, our holiday
from history. During that decade, every major challenge to America
was deferred. The chief aim of the Clinton administration was to
make sure that nothing terrible happened on its watch. Accordingly,
every can was kicked down the road:
•
Iraq: Saddam Hussein continued defying the world and building his
arsenal, even as the United States acquiesced to the progressive
weakening of U.N. sanctions and then to the expulsion of all weapons
inspectors.
•
North Korea: When it threatened to go nuclear in 1993, Clinton managed
to put off the reckoning with an agreement to freeze Pyongyang's
program. The agreement -- surprise! -- was a fraud. All the time,
the North Koreans were clandestinely enriching uranium. They are
now in full nuclear breakout.
•
Terrorism: The first World Trade Center attack occurred in 1993,
followed by the blowing up of two embassies in Africa and the attack
on the USS Cole. Treating terrorism as a problem of law enforcement,
Clinton dispatched the FBI -- and the odd cruise missile to ostentatiously
kick up some desert sand. Bin Laden was offered up by Sudan in 1996.
We turned him away for lack of legal justification.
That
is how one acts on holiday: Mortal enemies are dealt with not as
combatants but as defendants. Clinton flattered himself as looking
beyond such mundane problems to a grander transnational vision (global
warming, migration and the like), while dispatching American military
might to quell "teacup wars" in places such as Bosnia.
On June 19, 2000, the Clinton administration solved the rogue-state
problem by abolishing the term and replacing it with "states
of concern." Unconcerned, the rogues prospered, arming and
girding themselves for big wars.
Which
are now upon us. On Sept. 11, 2001, the cozy illusions and stupid
pretensions died. We now recognize the central problem of the 21st
century: the conjunction of terrorism, rogue states and weapons
of mass destruction.
True,
weapons of mass destruction are not new. What is new is that the
knowledge required to make them is no longer esoteric. Anyone with
a reasonable education in modern physics, chemistry or biology can
brew them. Doomsday has been democratized.
There
is no avoiding the danger any longer. Last year President Bush's
axis-of-evil speech was met with eye-rolling disdain by the sophisticates.
One year later the warning has been vindicated in all its parts.
Even the United Nations says Iraq must be disarmed. The International
Atomic Energy Agency has just (politely) declared North Korea a
nuclear outlaw. Iran has announced plans to mine uranium and reprocess
spent nuclear fuel; we have recently discovered two secret Iranian
nuclear complexes.
We
are in a race against time. Once such hostile states establish arsenals,
we become self-deterred and they become invulnerable. North Korea
may already have crossed that threshold.
There
is a real question whether we can win the race. Year One of the
new era, 2002, passed rather peaceably. Year Two will not: 2003
could be as cataclysmic as 1914 or 1939.
Carl
Sagan invented a famous formula for calculating the probability
of intelligent life in the universe. Estimate the number of planets
in the universe and calculate the tiny fraction that might support
life and that have had enough evolution to produce intelligence.
He prudently added one other factor, however: the odds of extinction.
The existence of intelligent life depends not just on creation but
on continuity. What is the probability that a civilization will
not destroy itself once its very intelligence grants it the means
of self-destruction?
This
planet has been around for 4 billion years, intelligent life for
perhaps 200,000, weapons of mass destruction for less than 100.
A hundred -- in the eye of the universe, less than a blink. And
yet we already find ourselves on the brink. What are the odds that
our species will manage to contain this awful knowledge without
self-destruction -- not for a billion years or a million or even
a thousand, but just through the lifetime of our children?
Those
are the stakes today. Before our eyes, in a flash, politics has
gone cosmic. The question before us is very large and very simple:
Can -- and will -- the civilized part of humanity disarm the barbarians
who would use the ultimate knowledge for the ultimate destruction?
Within months, we will have a good idea whether the answer is yes
or no.
©
2003 The Washington Post Company
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